Ukraine’s European integration and our inevitable democratic development began twenty years ago with the Orange Revolution. However, back in 2004, there was insufficient support for the pro-European course. Ten years later, during the Revolution of Dignity, Ukrainians fought for the European choice at the cost of their lives, homes, and even territories.

For me personally (as well as for millions of other Ukrainians), this is the most important period of my life – from participating in the Orange Revolution when I was still in school, to participating in the Revolution of Dignity and studying at university, and right up to the present day. I guess one of my life goals since then has been to support Ukraine’s return to the European family. And I’ll be honest: I’m not sure that ten years ago, during the Revolution of Dignity, the main goal of the protesters was to support the signing of the Association Agreement with the EU. Let’s face it: most people did not understand the importance of this step.

Now we are definitely at a different stage in our history. To defend the European choice and democracy, we need not only Molotov cocktails, but also missile defense systems, tanks, and millions of people in the Armed Forces. At the same time, to fulfill all the requirements for joining the European Union, we need more than protest energy, passion and activism.

Ukrainians defended democracy, respect for human rights and the rule of law ten years ago and continue to do so today. The choice in favor of democracy and the rule of law is a choice in favor of Europe. And now we are paying the highest price for it.

In addition to the main challenge – the threat to national security from Russia – I see the following problems on the European integration path that still remain after the official start of the negotiation process this summer.

First, there is a lack of resources and knowledge. The government relies heavily on civil society organizations to prepare reform roadmaps and draft legislation in line with EU acquis. The Reanimation Package of Reforms Coalition is so named because ten years ago, an association of experts and civil society organizations proposed a package of key reforms to the government.

We rely on international technical and expert support in this matter. However, this does not mean that we can simply copy the experience of other countries. When it comes to political reforms, such as judicial, anti-corruption, public administration, and other reforms, the situation in Ukraine will be quite different, as we need to take into account the consequences of the war. 

We need significant intellectual and human resources. Thousands of young professionals have to go this way. The EU countries offer opportunities for training young people, and we need their knowledge and skills to support the European integration track.

Secondly, there are the challenges of dialog with key stakeholders – the government, parliament, international partners, EU institutions, business and civil society.

For example, last year we faced a negative example of the lack of dialog. It was about the Law on Fair Lobbying, which Ukraine had to adopt as part of its compliance with EU requirements. It was written in such a way that it did not create new requirements or opportunities for lobbyists (especially those working with tobacco companies), but at the same time posed a threat to civil society. The law provided for mechanisms that could be used to harass civil society experts. This clearly demonstrates that we cannot simply copy EU initiatives and legislation. We must take into account the local context and create a platform for discussion before finalizing the requirements for our membership.

Third, Ukrainians lack an understanding of the European integration process and the tools for strengthening democracy. But at the same time, expectations from this process are very high. Over the past ten years, support for European integration among Ukrainians has grown from about 50% to almost 90%. However, joining the EU is a complex political and technical process, and we need to explain it to our citizens as a whole civil society and expert community. The experience of the Baltic and Eastern European countries can play an important role here, but we should not forget about the relevance to Ukrainian realities.

Ukrainians largely associate European integration primarily with the choice of democracy and the rule of law. At the same time, we are paying for this choice with our own lives, realizing that the alternative to European integration is autocracy, disregard for human life and human rights – the darkness into which Russia has been trying to drag us.

I am sure that many citizens of Eastern Europe and the Baltic states understand well why we chose to fight for democracy and European integration rather than capitulate to Russia. In our families, memories of the totalitarian regime of the Soviet Union are still alive. I am grateful to the EU and other international partners for their military, expert and political support in this war.

Fulfillment of all EU requirements means ensuring transparency of the European integration process and adherence to European values by all member states. Even the possibility of stopping Ukraine’s accession to the EU will lead to disillusionment with the idea of the European Union among Ukrainians, other candidate countries, and – most importantly – democracy itself.

Taking the Western Balkans as an example, Ukraine can create new experiences and lessons for European integration. We should evaluate their experience and think about how to strengthen the Ukrainian model of integration. This is another area where European support will be critical.  A fair and transparent negotiation process between Ukraine and the EU will strengthen the European Union itself.

In addition, let’s not forget about the EU enlargement policy itself. We are currently developing a negotiation framework based on the principle of unanimity of the EU countries when voting for a new member. But some states may use this tool for their own purposes.

Nowadays, my trip from most EU cities to Kyiv takes at least 30 hours without stopping overnight. I imagine that in a few years it will be three hours when civil aviation is back in the Ukrainian sky. I imagine that in 10-15 years, I will not need to show my passport at the border of Ukraine in the west, because the EU border will be somewhere beyond Kharkiv, Chernihiv, or Sumy, which are now under fierce attack from Russian missiles and attack drones. I envision a reformed, stronger European Union when Ukraine becomes part of it, and we all prove together that democracy is stronger than autocracy. And Europe is about democracy, respect for the rule of law and the value of human life.

This material was written based on the theses of my speech for the HROMADA Conference “Strengthening Ukraine: Sharing Knowledge for a Sustainable Future” (discussion panel ‘Ukraine’s European Integration: Key Challenges and Mutual Learning’), held in Riga on October 24, 2024.

Olga Lymar, Executive Director of the Reanimation Package of Reforms Coalition

The material was published within the framework of the project “Democratic Integration, Resilience, and Engagement” (Ukraine-DARE), implemented by Democracy Reporting International (DRI) in cooperation with the Reanimation Package of Reforms Coalition and the Center for Political and Legal Reforms with the financial support of the Federal Foreign Office of Germany. The project aims to facilitate the approximation of Ukrainian legislation to the EU norms, build a dialogue on the challenges to democracy in Ukraine during the war, and promote civic engagement of young people. The opinions and views expressed in this material do not necessarily reflect the position of the Federal Foreign Office of Germany.