There is a time to gather stones, and a time to scatter them. I was firmly convinced that ahead of this year’s Ukraine Recovery Conference in Rome — where Ukraine’s EU negotiation process was also under the spotlight — it was a time to gather. For the past six months, the Ukrainian government and many civil society organizations had been advocating for the opening of the first of six EU accession negotiation clusters. This would have been a clear signal not only that Ukraine is welcomed in the EU, but also that the Union itself is willing to transform in defense of its values and integrity. I wrote about this in my recent column, “Defense and European Integration: Key Takeaways from URC 2025”.

More than that, we clearly insisted: Ukraine has fulfilled all the necessary requirements, and the EU should apply its merit-based approach — not leave room for political manipulation by pro-Russian Hungary. When I wrote that piece, I already knew about the upcoming decision — prepared for months — to open the cluster with the agreement of 26 member states (excluding Hungary), which was only just publicly announced. There was a sense of progress toward EU integration.

I believe not only the majority of Ukrainian society and EU representatives but even Orbán or Putin did not expect the shocking turn of events yesterday. The Parliament passed Draft Law No. 12414, which threatens the independence of anti-corruption institutions. Despite this, and despite peaceful protests in cities across Ukraine, the President signed it into law overnight. It’s worth noting that a number of organizations, including the RPR Coalition — uniting 30 leading Ukrainian think tanks and human rights NGOs — called on the President to veto the law and immediately sent an official letter. But even with no air raid sirens or missiles overhead, the anxiety escalated just as quickly as the law was published in Holos Ukrainy — and entered into force.

As outlined in our official statement, the core problem with this law is that it contradicts the principles enshrined in Ukraine’s anti-corruption legislation following the Revolution of Dignity. It dismantles the independence of NABU and SAPO, undermines trust in institutions created through extraordinary efforts by civil society and international partners, and opens the door to political interference in criminal investigations — including those involving high-ranking officials. Of course, the most immediate outcome is democratic backsliding and an assault on the rule of law.

But my personal concern isn’t just about backsliding — that might not even be the worst consequence. A country like Hungary can afford to roll back reforms and violate democratic norms. It has already seen years of open pressure on civil society and media. Yet Hungary remains a member of the EU and NATO — and can still elect a new leader and return to democratic values.

Ukraine has no such luxury. It is fighting the largest existential war in its modern history. Beyond the direct importance of reform, Ukraine must finally make a decisive choice: does it belong to the democratic, European community, or to the authoritarian, Russian sphere? If the answer defined by the Revolution of Dignity still holds, then EU membership should enshrine that path once and for all.

To me, EU membership is not only about prosperity, rights, and freedoms — or the thousands of lives Russia has taken from us for this choice. It is literally a matter of national security.

As civil society, our task now is not just to accelerate EU integration, but to do everything in our power to stop the rollback of reforms. It is no easy feat to adapt hundreds of laws to EU legislation in wartime while maintaining democracy without the ability to hold fair and competitive elections. But it is far harder to run a marathon toward the EU with a self-inflicted gunshot wound.

For Ukraine, democratic development is European development. And I believe it is the only way our state can survive. Because if we don’t become part of the EU and grow together with the Union, what awaits us? Will we be able to shape our own future, or simply be swept wherever the wind blows?

I hope that Ukraine’s leadership will come to realize the consequences of this law. It will not only reverse reform progress but also trigger serious unrest — during wartime. It is unlikely that the people of Ukraine — who still live under threat, fall asleep to air raid alerts, and pay an immense price for independence — can be intimidated by warnings of protest consequences.

For better or worse, Ukraine’s accession to the European Union is still a prerequisite for European security. At the very least, that was recently stated by EU Commissioner for Security and Space, Andrius Kubilius. European leaders — including Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos, Economy Commissioner Valdis Dombrovskis, officials from Germany, the Netherlands, France, the Czech Republic, Sweden, the OECD, and Members of the European Parliament — have already voiced their disapproval of the new law.

Kubilius also remarked:
“In wartime, trust between the people who are fighting and their leadership is more important than modern weapons — it’s hard to earn and maintain, but can be lost in a single mistake. Transparency and an open European dialogue are the only way to rebuild lost trust.”

I deeply hope this situation will not derail Ukraine’s EU integration or diminish the importance of the negotiation process — not just for states, but for individuals. If Ukraine loses the prospect of joining the European Union, it will pose a real threat to security not only within the country, but across the continent. This does not mean turning a blind eye or making concessions — it means sending clear messages and standing firm.

There is a time to gather stones. And June would have been the right time to open the first negotiation cluster. It wasn’t just about reforms — it would have helped motivate Ukraine’s political elite to keep going. That opportunity is now lost — but we cannot afford to lose the next one.

I struggle to understand how the rushed adoption of this law ties into the Istanbul negotiations — but I am certain that the Ukrainian people are fighting for a democratic, lawful state where such abuses of power are unacceptable.

There will be a time to scatter stones. And when that time comes, history will hold each of us accountable.

The material was published within the framework of the project “Democratic Integration, Resilience, and Engagement” (Ukraine-DARE), implemented by Democracy Reporting International (DRI) in cooperation with the Reanimation Package of Reforms Coalition and the Center of Policy and Legal Reforms with the financial support of the Federal Foreign Office of Germany. The project aims to facilitate the approximation of Ukrainian legislation to the EU norms, build a dialogue on the challenges to democracy in Ukraine during the war, and promote civic engagement of young people. The opinions and views expressed in this material do not necessarily reflect the position of the Federal Foreign Office of Germany.